Articles
 

COMMUNICATION

DV on caste & class

AMARJIT SINGH, 44 - GOWAN ROAD, WILLESDEN, LONDON NW10 2 SH, U.K.

The problem of Dalits is many-faceted: economic, social, political, religious, psychological etc. In India, it is futile to argue which predominates. Depending upon time and space either one factor can be in ascendancy. Are the problems of the majority of Maharashtrian Dalits the same as those of the Bihari Dalits? That is another difference that I have with VTR when he says that poverty is not a problem with Dalits. By denying economic, factors he may wish to distance himself from the marxists but he moves too near the gandhiites who may argue that the problem is social only. The only solution is to start from the premise that Dalit problems are multi-faceted. Dr. Ambedkar did not deny the interconnection. He emphasised the social dimension because the "marxists" were denying it. History of his struggle showed that he never neglected any factor but tried to change tactics according to the circumstances. His second in command, Dadasaheb Gaikwad, was engaged in land reform struggle. No doubt he could see the whole elephant and not just legs, trunks, ears individually. He is said to have stated that untouchability pays economic dividends to the Hindus. Gandhi may have blackmailed Dr. Ambedkar but it was his own people who betrayed him in the end because he wanted the struggle to continue but they had achieved what they wanted i.e. reservations and a chance to get into the Congress Party. It was the "class" nature (and not the "caste" nature) of these educated Dalits which betrayed Dr. Ambedkar who was helped in his re-election by Punjabi Ravidasis from Calcutta. It is my belief that although VTR has made tremendous contribution to Dalits in India but on certain issues he has no doubt put us back as well.

The question of Hitler and Jews is one such issue. His thesis on "caste identity" is not new but has been floated by sociologists in the last coupel of decades. While identity is important it cannot be the whole story. While caste solidarity is ground reality, the solution how to solve intra-caste contradiction is a non-starter because unfortunatley people work for their own (i.e. caste) interests. In UK, Budhist Ambedkarite Dalits tell the others: "Become Budhist before we even talk to you". VTR is also mainly silent (dismissing these with a single sentence) on a number of other issues which may contradict him. Although VTR claims that he had no objection to a debate which hinged on these issues with Dr. Anand Teltumbde, by engaging in name calling, he made it a non-possibility despite my best efforts. The reason why I stopped taking Dalit Voice was that I corresponded with VTR over 20 years on the question of Jews and then gave him 2 years warning before I stopped DV on the question of Hitler which I maintain will do immense damage to the Dalit cause internationally. It cannot be that VTR is not aware of this damage.

Ajitkumar Nandagawali, (anandagawali@yahoo. com): I agree with Amarjit Singh when he says that our problems are multi-faceted. Each problem needs unique solution. I am not so sure why VTR talks about Hitler and Jews and USA. Other than that DV has some potential to enlighten our people.

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Both Brother Amarjit Singh and Ajit Nadagawali are honest intellectuals and that is why we like them.

1. We are neither marxists nor gandhians. Both are upper caste and hence our enemies.

2. The Hindu terrorist party (RSS-BJP) has not a single economic programme. Their every programme is social and cultural to hinduise (enslave) us.

3. Jagjivan Ram was a crorepati. Perhaps he was the best minister under Indira Gandhi but he was insulted by the Brahmins. Why? All over India, our people alone are persecuted.Why? Is it because they are poor? Do "poor" Brahmins face persecution? Answer this question. Read what Brother Gurnam Singh says on p.21.

4. Dalit problem (and all Bahujans) is purely social and cultural. If Dalits are "poor" it is only because they are Untouchables. Caste system is a socio-cultural-religious guillotine. Read Babasaheb correctly. All his books deal with only such subjects. Economics takes a secondary place. Economic aspect is after social.

The simple and straight point is in India caste is "class".

5. Then comes Hitler. We have written a book, Brahminism (DSA-2002) which answers this question. Even the Israeli Embassy in Delhi, despite our repeated inquiries, is refusing to answer it. The question is why the Brahmins who inspired Hitler with their swastika, "chosen people theory", Aryan pride etc. and made Hitler to kill Jews later joined the Jews? That the Brahmins are the "Jews of India" is accepted by both.

6. The great Jewish historian, Leon Poliakov, who wrote his famous book on Jewish history, Aryan Myth, also refused to answer this question.

7. We were the first to propound this theory that Brahmins are the "Jews of India".

8. Today the Jews and "Jews of India" have joined hands and together are oppressing us. Should we criticise the oppressors or not? — EDITOR.

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If caste is not our identity what else is our (Bahujan) identity ?

Brother Talukdar's opposition to our thesis is not new. His criticism is published in full as we did with Dr. Bhoyar's (DV April 1, 2006 p.18). He describes DV members supporting us as "mischievous" people.

(1) Fortunately an overwhelming number of our family is supporting our thesis. Those criticising it are only a handful. Talukdar calls himself an Ambedkarite but Ambedkarites have to be democratic also. How can a handful of people opposing the thousands of votaries call themselves democratic? Our English Caste book is going into third edition. The Kannada first edition is sold out. The Hindi edition is ready. Malayalam translation underway. Such is the popularity of this thesis which is hated by the Brahmins en bloc.

(2) "Caste identity" thesis was so far confined to social and cultural spheres. Now we have extended the thesis to economic (DV Edit Dec.1, 2005: "DV extends caste identity to economic planning"). We discussed our caste-based economic planning thesis with Lalu Prasad Yadav, Karnataka ex-Chief Minister Veerappa Moily and many Dalit IAS, IPS, officers. Everybody said that was the only way to see development funds reached the last and the lowest. A book on the subject titled, Development Redefined, is under print and will be released in Delhi shortly.

(3) Any criticism of the "caste identity" is given first preference in DV. We have published Brother Anand Teltumbde, Ashok Bhoyar, Balwant Singh and S.R. Talukdar. May be 2-3 others. But barring these couple of brothers the rest support us because our thesis helps relieve the pain of the weakest castes among the SCs and BCs. The opposition comes only from the "creamy layer" among SC/BC. As Ambedkarites we have to go with the last and the least. The Chamars in Punjab, UP, Bihar, MP, Haryana, HP, AP have supported us. We are not able to understand on what ground Brother Talukdar is against our thesis.

(4) Our Hindi DV published from Delhi has good circulation among the poorer (non-English knowing) Dalits. Till this day not a single opposition has come. Only appreciation. Are they all bloody fools?

(5) Scheduled Castes (and even Backward Castes) are not one community. So far the dominant castes among SCs and BCs have been eating the fruits of reservations. The weaker castes within the SC/BCs gradually started waking up and demanding "internal reservations" (categorisation) to assure that fruits of reservation reached in proportion to the population of each jati. Those opposing "categorisation" belong to the dominant castes among the SC/BCs. This "creamy layer" wants to eat the fruits of reservation alone without caring and sharing. When we support the weakest link in the cycle chain, we are dubbed anti-Ambedkarites. But to the Madigas of AP and Karnataka and non-Mahar SC subcastes of Maharashtra DV has come as a saviour. How can DV support to the weakest and the numerically smallest jatis be dubbed anti-Ambedkarite? How can this be called a casteist demand?Please answer.

(6) If Talukdar is only against "identity" then he must tell us what is the alternative "identity" he is offering to SCs and BCs? Without identity a society, civilisation will be dead. The Brahminical people strictly maintain their identity. They say their identity is their jati. They are not ready to give up their identity. Talukdar's point is SC/BC identity is not caste. If our identity is not caste, what else is our identity? Everything in India is decided on the basis of caste because that is the only identity.

Talukdar's arguments are exactly on the lines of M.K. Gandhi and his followers who wanted to destroy Babasaheb demand for separate electorate.

We can convince people who are willing to go by reasonable arguments, scientific and rational principles and logical analysis.

Will Talukdar answer? — EDITOR.

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"Caste identity" harms Bahujan movement

S.R. TALUKDAR, 92-C, POCKET-1, MAYUR VIHAR -I, DELHI - 110 091

Every human life has two parts. One part is mortal and the other is immortal. Babasaheb's mortal part has disappeared from the scene 50 years ago but his immortal part has not only survived till now, it is still growing in stature. He himself created this immortal part through his thoughts, deeds and words. He is no more there to protect it but his followers are protecting his immortal part of life.

Now think about yourself. You also have an immortal part but that is a dark one. So long you are alive you are trying to illuminate that part. But that will vanish into darkness after you are no more because there will be nobody to protect it. You are doing greatest harm to the Bahujan movement through your "caste identity" propaganda.

You and your mischievous supporters are actually the enemies of Bahujan Samaj. We the Dalits understand it but still subscribe to your paper but that is for a different reason.

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COMMUNICATION

India's problem is not poverty but caste system

GURNAM SINGH MUKTSAR, 2 - BHAGAT SINGH NAGAR, B/H BUS STAND, MUKTSAR - 152 026

I fully agree with our Editor's theory that not only "Dalit problem" but even our country's problem is not "poverty", which is a misleading term used by our upper caste oppressors.

No doubt, there are poor in all the castes. Many also live below the poverty line. But all poor are not Dalits. Dalit does not mean poor and poor does not mean Dalit.

The word "Dalit" now represents all those people who are socially, religiously, economically, educationally, and politically too, are persecuted. They say:

Brahmins are poor. There are poor among all other upper castes. Are they not Dalit?

This question is often raised. Yes. We agree they are poor but they are not Dalits. Because the Brahmin and the upper caste poor don't face religious discrimination nor social and educational discriminations. They only face economic problems. Nothing else. Beside, all those poor upper castes also persecute the Dalits.

Poor Brahmins: All the upper caste poor solidly stand behind their rich jatwalas. When the Dalits are boycotted in Punjab why no other "poor" and landless Jat comes out in solidarity? A poor Jat is also a labourer like the Dalit. But why he is not showing his "class" solidarity with his poor Dalit colleague? A poor Brahmin or other upper caste man never prevents an upper caste trying to rape a Dalit woman. Nor does he prevent a Dalit woman being paraded naked in the village. We have no instance of any "poor Brahmin" or upper caste "poor" subjected to any atrocity in Punjab villages.

Naked woman: During elections, Brahmins and other upper caste "poor" do not sell their votes. Neither are they blocked from voting. No poor upper caste woman throughout India is made naked and ordered to dance in village streets in the presence of her father, mother, sons, daughters and other relatives. This great credit is reserved only for the Dalit woman. Is there any case of burning the houses of upper caste poor? It is the upper caste poor who are employed to burn the houses of Dalits. Dalits all over India are prohibited from taking water from common well and taps.

In coastal Andhra cyclone in which thousands died, only the Dalit bodies were not touched. Mother Teresa's Sisters came to do the job. Even in Western countries upper caste people have their separate temples, gurdwaras to which Dalits are not allowed. Such is the Hindu hatred of Dalits.

Poverty no problem: In "Hindu India" poverty is not a problem. It does not create any hate. It is caste which creates hate not poverty. From birth to death Dalits are hated. Even India's richest Dalit —Jagjivan Ram —was not allowed to be buried in Delhi.

Upper caste poor get equal status in all socio-religious issues. But the Dalit, even if he is an IAS, IPS official, is a third class person. A rich Dalit is also hated for his wealth, health and official status. He is badly abused using his caste name. Dirtiest words are used to hate a Dalit even if he is rich.

Poverty is no problem in India. No poor Brahmin has revolted against a rich Brahmin. In a Brahmin institution, its owner, always employs poor Brahmins, his own jatwalas, to see that the employees do not revolt. There is no trade union of poor Brahmins against the rich Brahmin employer.

Class solidarity: There is nothing like class solidarity of the poor. In Bombay textile mills, upper caste mill workers went on strike against their own Dalit colleagues employed in the weaving section. A "class" is temporary but "caste" is permanent. There is no promotion or demotion in a caste society.

Poverty is not permanent. It can change any time as many Dalit-Backwards have become rich in the last 30 years.

But caste is permanent. It never changes. A born Dalit dies as Dalit even if he becomes rich. In every village of Punjab Dalits have their separate burials. Caste fixes your place — not poverty.

In "Hindu India" poverty yardstick makes no sense.