Hindu threat to kill Babasaheb

"The declaration of the fast unto death by Mr. Gandhi made the people learn more about the condition of the Untouchables and opened their eyes for a while to the passions that were seething in the bosom of the Untouchables. The people, the Press and patriots were roused to a realisation that there was a blot on their society. There was an endless talk about Dr. Ambedkar in every political party, in every social circle and in every religious institution. He was flooded with telegrams and letters, some threatening his life, some appealing to his conscience, and some supporting his stand.

As declared, the Conference of the Hindu leaders was held amidst this tense situation at the spacious Hall of the Indian Merchants' Chamber on September 19, 1932, under the presidentship of Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya. Dr. Ambedkar and Dr. Solanki were seated just near the President's chair. Rajah and Dr. Moonje came to the Hall arm-in-arm.

Among those present were: Rajendrapasad, C. Rajgopalachari, Pandit Kunzaru, T. Prakasham, Dr. Chauthiram, Swami Satyanand, Mr. Aney, G.A. Gawai, Mr. Shivraj, Mr. Jagannathan, Mr. Dharmalingam, Mr. Mandal, Sir Chunnilal, Hirachand Walchand. Sir Setalwad, Sir Madgaonkar, Sir Purushottamdas, Shri Deodhar, Mr. Natarajan, Rao Bhadur Vaidya, Dr. Deshmukh, Dalvi, Subhedar, Seth Birla, Mr. Karandikar, Dr. Savarkar, Shivatarkar, P. Balu, Nijalje, Kamala Nehru, Perani Captain, Moshon Captain, Sau. Awantikabai Gokhale, Mrs. Annapurnabai Deshmukh, Ratanben Mehta, Miss Natarajan.

In order to save the life of Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya, the President of the meeting suggested that a solution acceptable to both the sides should be found out.

On the request of Pandit Malviya, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar rose to speak. He stated his views in a candid manner. He said.

"Looking at the objective of this Conference, I do not feel the need of calling such a Conference. In order to oppose our demands, Mahatma Gandhi has started fast unto death. It is natural that everybody would like to save the valuable life of Mahatma Gandhi. But Gandhiji should have put some concrete alternative proposal before staking his life. Having considered the present situation, I feel that without any clear alternative proposal from Gandhiji, all efforts towards negotiations would be in vain. And to be frank, there is nothing left to be decided. Unless we know what really is in the mind of Gandhiji, all the repetitive deliberations of this conference are not going to yield any result. To whatever length this Conference may deliberate I am not in a position to find any solution before I know what really is in the mind of Gandhiji and I tell you bluntly that I am not at all bound to proposals coming from the conveners of this conference or any of the leaders, I shall consider the opinion only of Mahatma Gandhi. Unless I know his proposal how can I give my opinion? Bring his proposal first and then I shall think over it. And I make it clear in the beginning itself that any proposal from Gandhiji should be brought by the representatives of the caste Hindus from among you and that I shall not accept any proposal brought forward by an Untouchable leader on behalf of Gandhiji. I shall not sacrifice the rightful demands of my people just in order to save the life of Mahatma Gandhi."

Here, this Conference adjourned for the day.

"On Monday, September 20, 1932 at 12 O'clock noon Mahatma Gandhi started his fast unto death. A committee was formed to have negotiations in the matter. The committee consisted of Sir Tejbahadur Sapru, Bar. Jaikar, Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya, Mathuradas Wasanji as representatives of the high Caste Hindus. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was invited for the meeting. In the Conference Sir Chunnilal put forward the following views on behalf of Mahatma Gandhi before the Committee members.

They were:

1. Mahatma Gandhi opposed to the decision of awarding Separate Electorates for the Untouchables.

2. He is not fully agreeable to the Joint Electorates as well as for the reserved seats. However, he would not object if the All Hindu Conference at Mumbai would take a specific decision for the reserved seats but it would not mean that he necessarily agrees with it. If at all any fact is agreed upon he may probably give his consent.

Dr. Ambedkar rose to speak after listening the proposals of Mahatma Gandhi. His speech was really very forceful and touching to the heart.

Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings & Speeches, Vol. 17, Part - 1 (p.150- 152) 2003, Rs. 125. Publishers, Member-Secretary, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Source Material Publication Committee, Higher Education Dept., Maharashtra Govt., Order book from Manager, Govt. Central Book Depot, Near Charni Road Railway Station, Netaji Subhash Road, Bombay - 400 004.

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Manuwadis blocking "identity formation"

Bangalore: The oft-repeated most important criticism against our "caste identity" thesis is "it will destroy the unity of the Dalits" and further weaken the Bahujans in their fight against Brahminical forces.

We have effectively answered this criticism in the book, Caste —A nation Within the Nation, and many times in DV itself. Yet this question goes on cropping up again and again. All those who raise such questions are brought up under Brahminical thoughts and are influenced by our very Brahminical oppressors who catch hold of weak minds and use them against us.

Fortunately "identity formation" is gaining speed in a big way because of parliamentary democracy much to the misery of our oppressors. Fortunately those Dalits who question our "caste identity" thesis are not against parliamentary democracy unlike the Brahminical people.

Enemy of parliamentary democracy: But the problem with those who question us do not understand that the Brahmins are the greatest enemies of parliamentary democracy.

Here is a report on how "identity formation" is getting refined even among the BCs.

Bhujbal in search of identity

Bombay: Senior NCP minister Chhagan Bhujbal, who has been feeling hemmed in by Maratha leaders in the party, has decided to expand his horizon by mobilising the Other Backward Castes. Bhujbal himself belongs to the Mali caste which is included in the OBC list. He had floated the Samata Parishad to create a separate political platform for himself. But he put the parishad on the backburner in the hope that he would be given his due in the NCP. He was upset because he was deprived of the deputy CM's post and given the PWD ministry with hardly any fund. Bhujbal, who left the Shiv Sena in the early 90s and joined the Congress, later followed Pawar when he set up the NCP in 1999. But today he is feeling insecure with the changing political scenario. He is senior to revenue minister Narayan Rane so far as political experience is concerned and is his mentor. But now he finds that Rane is hogging the limelight and eyeing the CM's post once again. If Rane becomes CM then Bhujbal would feel uncomfortable working under his protege. Bhujbal is also not content with merely winning over the OBCs of the state, So, he is planning to cast his net wider on the national level. He is planning a parishad rally. Bhujbal said many OBC organisations in different states have been asking him to help them coordinate their activities on the national level. Bhujbal, who is keeping a low profile due to total domination by Marathas, is trying to chart out his own political course in the state. (Times of India, Feb.11, 2006).

Divided Marathas: The report reveals that the Maharashtra OBCs in the Congress are drifting away from the Maratha-dominated Congress. Rane being a Maratha has strengthened the Marathas in Congress. Even Sharad Pawar's NCP is a Maratha outfit and in course of time the divided Marathas may unite. The Shiva Dharma movement is doing exactly this.

Both Bhujbal and Rane were in the SS which today is dying because the Kayasth (CKP) Bal Thackeray has no caste strength.Caste killed the casteist (Hindu terrorist) SS.

Did we not say that caste will kill all casteists? This is the exact fear of all Brahminical parties like the BJP. One by one they will die under the impact of caste.

RSS controls Karnataka Govt.: In Karnataka its three upper castes (Brahmins, Lingayats and Vokkaligas) got untied (DV Feb.16, 2006 p.12: "Karnataka caste war") to fight the SC/BC/Muslims with the help of the casteist H.D. Deve Gowda, ex-PM. The Hindu terrorist party RSS has taken full control of H.D. Kumaraswamy Govt. whose BJP Dy Chief Minister has already started diverting funds to promote Brahminical interests.

As five Assembly elections (Assam, W. Bengal, TN, Pondicherry, and Kerala) are nearing the different castes and communities —both oppressed (small fish) and oppressor castes (big fish) — are in a flux. They are searching for allies to protect themselves.

Congress-Mamata unity in Bengal: Fearing the near total alienation of the Muslims, the Congress, the original Brahminical party of India, is thinking of joining hands with the Bengali Brhamin, Mamata Banerji, in Bengal. Such an alliance with a rowdy rabble-rouser Mamata will attract lot of lumpun elements with her and also help silence the manuwadi marxists.

Even the Hindu terrorist party of RSS has started advocating alliance with the Congress.

The tiny upper castes (15%) with no strength of caste are deeply worried. As Brahmins (3%), who form the apex of the caste pyramid, stand to lose a lot and break their bones if the caste pyramid collapses, are ready to embrace anybody and everybody who is willing to save the pyramid. But the 85% slaves of India, comprising the six segments —SC/ST/BCs and Muslim/Christian/Sikhs— are yet to join hands and firm up the Bahujan Samaj. The manuwadi media will not allow such a formation but encourages all sorts of infighting within the Bahujans.

Tamil Nadu scene: Tamil Nadu presents another disappointing picture. The Bangalore Papatti despite being the enemy of Dalits and BCs, continues to be admired by the women of even oppressed castes. Until the Cut Throat disappears from the scene, the unity of the oppressed will not take shape in this original Dravidian land ruled by Brahmins.

The Cut-Throat's well-known anti-Dalit bias has taken away a powerful faction of Dalits (Paraiah) led by Thirumavalan to the Bangalore Papatti camp.

Her AIDMK has decided to face the Assembly elections jointly with the Dalit Panthers of India allotting it nine seats. The agreement signed with Thirumavalan said the parties decided to form an electoral front. The DPI wanted 25 seats but was satisfied with the accord. When asked that the DPI and the AIADMK were poles apart on the Tamil Eelam issue, he said there was no need to raise the issue during the campaign. Despite the sincere steps taken by PMK founder S. Ramadoss, the DPI could not become a constituent of the Democratic Progressive Alliance owing to the stand taken by the Cut Throat.

Kerala scene: In Kerala, the upper caste Nairs, Brahmins and Syrian Christians have beautifully divided themselves into two neat alliances of UDF and LDF, permanently keeping the slaves divided. In this west coast state the most dangerous enemy of the Bahujan is the manuwadi marxists to which the state's 30% Ezhavas, the single largest segment of Kerala, are permanently enslaved.

Whatever changes take place at India's political level, the only thing that will stand still is the caste. Because that is the identity of a particular "nation". Having understood the importance of this "identity", each caste has begun strengthening its identity using the parliamentary democracy.

Bahujans are gradually realising the importance of "caste identity". The rural unlettered Bahujans have no problem. They live with their identity in tact from birth to death. But it is the urban dwelling, Brahmin-brainwashed Bahujans who are a problem.

Once the Congress joins hands with the BJP, the Bahujans will quickly understand the Brahminical conspiracy and will be forced to go back to identity.

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CPM election stunt to fool Dalits ?

Bangalore: What a surprise that our manuwadi marxists organised a conference of Dalits in Delhi on Feb.22, 2006. What made CPM boss Prakash Karat to think of this long forgotten Untouchables?

Criticising both the Congress and the BJP, Karat said they failed to attack the real problem. After independence, the Congress limited the fight against caste oppression by giving concessions and providing reservation. On the other hand, the BJP saw the fight against caste system through its Hindutva prism.

The objective of the convention was to make the party and its units all over the country take up social issues and organise campaigns and struggles. (Hindu, Feb.23, 2006).

UPPER CASTE LEADERSHIP

Our experience tells us that the marxists, who have influence only in W. Bengal and Kerala, can never be believed because the CPM leadership is pure upper caste, exploiters.

Did the party suddenly think of Dalits just because the two states, its stronghold, are facing Assembly election?

Dalits never got inspired by marxism because its Brahminical leadership right from S.A. Dange to E.M.S. Namboodiripad never bothered about caste which determined every aspect of Indian life.

When we wrote a booklet, "Class-Caste Struggle —Emerging Third Force (DSA.1980), and asked E.M.S. Nambooridipad, the then party chief, to release it, he flared up at us and said not only he would not release it but would write against it.

When we wrote the book, we were still very much in the grip of marxism. What we said in that booklet was that as the "Dalits were the lowest caste they also formed the lowest class". Class in India took the form of caste. This was the thesis of the book which asked the CPM to combine "class struggle" with "caste struggle" keeping Dalits in the forefront of their struggle.

E.M.S. AS TRUE BRAHMIN

EMS, the Kerala Brahmin, did not like our point because as a true Brahmin he feared any empowerment of the Dalits would directly hit the hegemony of the Brahmin.

EMS poured out his Brahminical venom in a long 30-page article in the Social Scientist, a party journal. Since nobody read this article, we reproduced it as an annexure to our next book, Dilemma of Class & Caste (DSA-1984, sold out long back, photocopy available, Rs. 65).

Prakash Karat, also an upper caste from Kerala, would do well to read this piece to make out how venomous EMS was.

The article proved EMS was mean and casteist to the core. Prakash Karat must be knowing all these developments and our subsequent hit book, How Marx Failed in Hindu India (DSA-1988, also sold out, photocopy available, Rs. 50) which saw 2-3 editions.

HOWRAH PARTY PLENUM

We carried 200 copies of this book all the way from Bangalore to Calcutta where the CPM held its plenum at Howrah. We were then in the Indian Express and still having same faith in marxism. But soon disappointed when EMS went on expelling any non-Brahmin party leader talking of caste.

Whenever EMS came to Bangalore it was we who went in our car and received him at the airport, dropped him in a hotel. That was the respect and relationship we had with the CPI and CPM leaders. A.K. Gopalan, Jyoti Basu, Pramode Das Gupta, Sundarayya etc. were all close to us.

GOWRIAMMA’S FATE

The non-Brahmins among them were some what agreeable to our suggestion to club class with caste struggle but EMS rejected it out right. It was this Namboodiri who exploited Gowriamma and her Ezhava caste to the maximum, made a monkey out of her and then finally threw her out.

The credit for establishing the Nair-Brahmin- Syrian hegemony over Kerala goes to EMS. (DV Edit May 16, 1998: "Elegy on EMS: Verdict of Bahujans on Modern Shankara").

If the dwarf Namboodiri Brhamin from Kerala, Adi Shankara, killed Budhism then, the other (EMS) Shankara killed the struggle of the oppressed in Kerala by injecting marxism into their blood that permanently damaged their very psyche.

Karat, an upper caste Nair who are today the most loyal stooges of Brahmins in Kerala, want to take up the cause of Dalits. Who can believe him?

It is an election stunt. Beware of Manuwadi marxists.

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LETTERS TO EDITOR

Siva Tanuku (tanukus@gmail.com): My name is Siva Tanuku, I am an IT engineer from Andhra living in USA. I happen to see your website and read a lot of stuff. What is puzzling me is the amount of hatred you have about Brahmins. I am a Brahmin and never showed any discrimination about any caste/religion. Many of my friends are SC/ST/BCs and never had issues of caste. I also have Christian Dalit friends and they never had any hatred about me. Many Dalits I know married Brahmin girls (both in ECIL India and US). So, I really don't know why you have so much hatred about Brahmins especially in this 21th century. I do agree about the discrimination (especially from Brahmins) that existed in the past — till very near past. I do agree that still some people have the same old feelings but in that how many are Brahmins? You say Brahmins are rich and powerful. But in reality in South India Brahmins are an average (may be below average) caste in terms of money, land ownership, political power, social status (see Tamil/Telugu movies and the cheap comedy on Brahmins) etc. If you are really fighting for social justice and equal status for all Indians (all castes, religions etc.) then you better focus on that. From your website as well as Dr. Ambedkar's teaching (read from another website called Ambedkar.org) I can see one main point: You don't want equality, rather you want a Dalit superiority. Also you talk about RSS etc. as Nazi Hindus, if that is the case then what about dalitstan.org (and up to some extent your side), a nazi Dalit organization who just bash Brahmins for everything? If so, you are doing the same thing as Brahmins did several centuries ago. Then why blame them today? And what is the point about this whole struggle? Finally you say Christianity, Islam and Budhism as alternatives to Hinduism. Please read the Quran, Bible and thoroughly go through the history of these religions and then tell me if you still think they are really good alternatives (Budhism, upto an extent, say about 70%, is better than Hinduism but do you think begging is practical in 21st century? If all Indians become beggars who will give them alms?

*******

We returned from massive meetings in Patna and Varanasi where all the representatives drawn from different districts blamed Brahmins and other upper castes. So, the opinion expressed in DV is not ours only but that of the Dalits, BCs, Muslims, over 85%. You can make out this from the letters column in DV. We don't hate individual Brahmins. We hate none. Show us one instance in the thousands of years of Indian history where a Dalit has murdered a Brahmin. Dalits are producers of wealth and no producer ever hates. Hate is the staple diet of sick mind. However, please note you can't love your people unless you hate those who oppress them. When you start studying our literature you will know all this. Lenin has written pages and pages on "how to hate" and in defence of hate. You can't love unless you hate. We hate no individual Brahmin. We hate only Brahminism. Many Khammas, Reddys, Rajputs, Kayasths are Brahminical. Brahmins can survive in India only if they get rid of their Brahminism — EDITOR.

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MANDAL COMMISISON ON "CASTE IDENTITY"

DV thesis on caste uhpeld

B.P. Mandal, chairman of the Govt. of India's Backward Classes Commission (1980) in his foreword to the two-part report says because of the absence of caste enumeration figures after the 1931 census, the Commission faced enormous difficulties. He criticises the upper caste opposition to caste-wise enumeration in Indian census and strongly recommends such a census.

The upper castes (Hindu) controlling the govt. have not only rejected his recommendation but thrown his report itself to the gutter.

The two-part report (Part-I 130 pages and part-II 275 pages) is relevant even today because nothing has changed since then. Rather the BC position has further deteriorated.

A vital document for all those involved in social movement.

B.P. Mandal, a Yadav and former Chief Minister of Bihar, strongly recommends caste as the sole yardstick to determine backwardness. There is no other yardstick he says (p.3). He ridicules the "poverty yardstick" and says it is against Article 340 of the Constitution. If you substitute caste by economic yardstick, "it amounts to ignoring the genesis of social backwardness in the Indian society" (p.4).

B.P. Mandal's views are exactly on the lines of DV.

Photocopies of the report may be ordered from DV office. Rs. 300.

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HISTORY OF HINDU IMPERIALISM

The origianl title of the book was "Menace of Hindu Imperialism".Written by an upper caste (Hindu) of Kerala,

Swami Dharma Theertha

The book reveals the real history of pre-independent India. When it was first published in 1941, the Brahminical people purchased all the copies and burnt it. Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy got it reprinted. Again it was reprinted by Raju Thomas, Dalit Voice Madras representative. It is a must reading for every Indian interested in understanding how Brahminical forces have tried to destroy this country to impose their hegemony

2003 pp.290 Rs. 150

Dalit Book Trust

Blumoon Books

S-201, Essel Mansion,

2286-87, Arya Samaj Road Karol Bagh

New Delhi - 110 005.