Hate-mongering Vande Mataram song is anti-national

In the context of only presumptuous and one sided writings in the press on the Vande Mataram row, some crucial questions arise. If Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s novel, Ananda Mutt, wherein this song plays a big role, was such a matchless promoter of patriotism why the novel’s versions are not available in other Indian languages? Why the story of this novel is not known to people atleast in same measure as that of Alibaba and forty thieves? Why the novel is not prescribed even as a non-detailed text for any class by any university? Why Muslims who never objected to Dr. Iqbal’s Sare Jahan Se or to Tagore’s Devi Bhuvanamana Mohini or to several songs of Subramanya Bharathi, all of which are almost similar to Vande Mataram?

BRITISH PACT WITH MUGHALS

Although it is only the BJP which kept crying to legitimise this reprehensible song the entire press behaved like a mouthpiece of the Hindu nazi party.

Even those who are carried away by the rhythm and melody of Vande Mataram will resent it if they learn the context and message of the song. The first two stanzas of the song which were composed in the early 1870s are about the beautiful landscapes and natural wealth of India and no one ever objected to this part. The Bengali Brahmin author not only used this song in his novel, Anand Mutt (1882), but added many more lines to suit the needs of the story which briefly is as follows:-

The story pertains to the imaginary events of the year 1714-15 (18th century) when the British East India Company firmly established its roots in Calcutta, Madras and Bombay by entering into agreements with Mughal emperor Farruklhusiyar, the great grandson of Aurangzeb.

The story is about the armed rising by Vaishnavite Hindu youths inspired by the zeal to establish Hindu-British alliance by overthrowing the Mughal rule and liquidating Muslims under the leadership of a Vaishnavite terrorist, Swami Sathyananda, the chief priest of Ananda Mutt, aided by a violent youth, Bhavananda. Ways and methods adopted by these two “idealists” to enlist and train Hindu terrorists for this upsurge are narrated in detail. Mahendra is one such youth who is initiated into this “sacred” endeavour.

The youth assembled at the mutt are told:

Liberation of the motherland is our aim. Our religion, our heritage, our caste system and our pride in them are in danger under the Muslim rule. Unless Muslims are thrown out and finished our dharma will have no future.

After this rhetoric by the saint and disciple, Bhavananda exhorts that if about 7 crores of our people with swords jump into the fray, it will surely be possible to restore the dignity and glory of our motherland. These thoughts find expression in the verses subsequently composed to suit the needs of this story and added to the original Vande Mataram song composed in 1870.

NAKED KALI

When a fully mesmerised Mahendra asks Bhavananda as to whether there is any programme to realise the goal, the latter sings the improvised version of Vande Mataram and elaborates its meaning. Mahendra tells that he is fully convinced. The next day Bhavananda brings him to Anand Mutt where priest Sathyananda takes him to a room where deities of Vishnu, Lakshmi and Saraswati are found. There was also a female deity sleeping on the lap of Vishnu which he said represented the present plight of motherland.

In the adjoining room stood a black icon of nude Kali or Durga. There, Mahendra was administered a pledge to the effect that he was ready for any sacrifice to restore the glory of motherland.

STOOGES OF BRITISH

Many young men who take similar oaths collectively sing Vande Mataram in front of Kali during the military training they received. Later they are sent in batches to different villages to organise Hindu terrorists for armed attacks on Muslims derisively called mlechas. They pounce on Muslims and indulge in murders and rapine. Later they all dance in joy in front of Kali.

The last part of the novel gives a picture of a large gathering addressed by Sathyananda. Some one asks:

“We have no doubt finished Muslims, but that has not resulted in the establishment of Hindu raj since British rule has taken roots”.

Sathyananda consoles him saying:

Now we have no enemies. The British are our friends. They have voluntarily dedicated all their authority to Vishnu.

With this grandiloquent note the novel of Bankim Chandra comes to an end.

The more we know about Bankim Chandra the less we tend to respect him. The demand that Muslims should sing this song can be backed only by Hindu nazis for whom Muslim-bashing is co-terminus with patriotism.

No community can be expected to sing prayers for its liquidation. There was no point in the admonition that Muslims should live in harmony with Hindus while some Hindu leaders had all praise for the song that condemned and ridiculed Muslims.

BIRTH OF BANGLADESH

The British rightly partitioned Bengal in 1905 separating the Eastern Muslim-majority districts. This was fiercely opposed by several Hindu leader. Their agitation was put down with an iron hand by the British. It was an irony that some agitators who died with this song on their lips had been shot by the very British whose rule the author of the song had welcomed through his novel. But for the fatal, nay, suicidal fascination of some Congress leaders for the song that sanctified hate, there would have been no East Bengal which eventually became Bangladesh.

TAGORE’S OPINION

In 1937, when Muslim leaders cautioned against the song, Jawaharlal Nehru sought clarification from Tagore. Tagore opined that the first two verses of the song that Bankim had composed in 1870 i.e. 12 years prior to the publication of Anand Mutt contained praise of the motherland, had nothing objectionable in it and that it would be appropriate to sing it in public, only the first two verses. However, a section keeps insisting that the whole song as found in the novel should be sung in public. As long as such obsession persists, there will be informed Muslims and fair-minded people who will resist such mischievous demands.

In fecundity of thoughts, facility of expression, devotion for motherland and patriotic ferver, Sare Jahan Se is a matchless, superb and richest national song but it does not satisfy the litmus test. It was composed by a non-Hindu and a Muslim at that.

DV July 1, 1988: “The horror history of Vande Mataram”.

Editor visits Iran

We were invited to Teheran (Iran) to attend a two-day international conference on Mehadism on Sept.5 and 6, 2006. This is our first visit to this powerful Shia Muslim country.

The conference, attended by 110 foreign delegates from all over the world, was inaugurated by the Iranian President Ahmedinijad. We were the only non-Muslim delegate at the conference.

Though Iran is fairly big in size, about 3/4 of its area is desert and mountains. The capital of Teheran is a beautiful, well-planned, disciplined city. Roads are spotlessly clean unlike India’s dirty roads with chaotic traffic. Drivers strictly follow lane discipline and hardly anybody uses the horn. We found no slums and no beggars.

Teheran has two airports. We did not see the new and bigger international airport named after Ayotollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic. Even the smaller and the older one is extremely clean and well-maintained unlike Bombay’s international airport.The American blunder helped Iran to gain the leadership of the entire Muslim world. The “Axis of evil” is fast becoming the graveyard of the devil.

Dalit Christians lost for not joining Dalit movement

Religious conversions and reservation to Dalit Christians have been the subjects of dispute and debate in India for a quite long time. Conversion movements have flourished in India for various reasons. Some may infer it to the policy of rulers; some may argue it as a devise of weakening a Hindu society. There is no dearth of such arguments. But it is also historical truth that the oppressive mechanism of Hindu religion has forced millions of lower strata of Indian society to embrace Sikhism, Islam, Christianity and Budhism. At the same time it should not be forgotten that some upper castes also got converted to Islam and Christianity to show their loyalty to the then rulers or to enjoy high governmental offices or to enjoy the ruler’s patronage. From this class, of course, there were some genuine conversions on account of religious faith.

CONVERSIONS HELP DALITS

Untouchables constituting the huge block of human resources in India and worst victim of social stratification of varna and caste, for several reasons did not hesitate to go for conversions into different religions. Their quest for a new identity and struggle for upward mobility suited the mode of conversion.

The roots of such conversions can be traced into 15th and 16th century. With the entry of foreign elements, especially the Dutch, Portuguese and Englishmen and Mughals the process of conversions was accelerated. As a result, huge lower sections of Indian society — in search of human status, dignity and alternate way of life — found a new ray of hopes in conversions. This translated into mass conversions to Christianity in India, especially in the South. Christianity entered into India through Kerala in 52 AD. Saint Thomas, one of the 12 Apostles of Christ, came to India in AD 52 and established Christian churches in seven places on the west coast of Kerala and then to eastern coast. Christianity was strengthened by two Syrian Christian migrants to Kerala. In 1542, the prominent Christian missionary, Francis Xavier, landed in Goa.

DR. AMBEDKAR ON CHRISTIANS

During the colonial period thousands of missionaries poured into India and in adverse conditions tirelessly worked for the liberation of Untouchables and Tribals. As a consequence Untouchables and Tribals breathed a new air of freedom. Catholic Christians had about 80% Dalit Christians.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar has provided a detailed account of Christianity in India. In his write-up “Christianizing the Untouchables”, he said:

The voyage of Vasco de Gama in the year 1497 to India marks the beginning of a new epoch in the history of Christian missionary effort in India and the most serious and determined effort commenced with the arrival of the great missionary Francis Xavier in the year 1542. The Portuguese were the first European power in the East and the earliest efforts of modern times in the direction of Christianizing the natives of India were made under their auspices. The conversions effected under the auspices of the Portuguese were of course conversions to the Roman Catholic faith and were carried out by Roman Catholic Mission. Next came the Baptist Mission under Carey who landed in Calcutta in 1793. Last came the Anglican Church which entered the missionary field in 1813 and since then the expansion of Missionary enterprise was rapid and continuous”. (Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings & Speeches, Vol. 5, pp.427-444).

Although the Untouchable’s conversion to Christianity provided them some relief in the field of education and economic development, on social plane they continued with the age-old stigma of being Pariah, Pulaya, Arundhatia, Mahar, Mangs or Mala and Madiga that is Untouchables castes. Despite their conversions they never received the total freedom from their age-old diseases of caste and discrimination.

CHRISTIAN SPIRIT MURDERED

With great hope they aspired for new human life but the Hindu stigma followed them there too and proved that the caste is much more powerful than Jesus Christ. Unfortunately instead of facing the issue of caste, Christians considered the caste problem a purely worldly idea.

The memorandum submitted by the Christian Depressed Classes of South India to the Simon Commission (1929) sufficiently focused on the horrible conditions of lower caste converts to Christianity.

What the Christian Depressed Classes cried before the Simon Commission in 1929 has been the cry of millions of Dalit Christians even today. They have been damned with caste identifications and meted out with the caste treatment murdering the spirit of Christianity — love, brotherhood etc. Why despite the conversion, the Untouchable converts failed to attain the social status? We find the several answers to this today but Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar analysed this most critical phenomenon (Ibid pp.445 - 476).

1.The Christianity has not been effective in wiping paganism out of the converts.

2. The Christian Missionaries although they eagerly converted people have never put up a determined fight to uproot paganism from the convert. Indeed they have tolerated it.

FAILURE OF CHURCH

3. The failure of the Luthern Mission or the Protestant Mission to believe that the caste and Christianity are two incompatible things and that a true Christian could not believe in caste much less could he makes it a plan of his life.

4. The Christianity never tackled the issue of caste.

5. Christian preaching to the Untouchable is less centered on practical reforms and more centered around the development of Christian social attitudes and Christianity as purely spiritual.

6. Lack of social protest movement for the redress of wrongs on the Untouchable Christians.

7. Absence of desire on the part of the educated among Christians to take up the cause of the community and fight for it.

8. No movement among the Untouchable Christians due to certain faults in the mental make-up of the convert.

9. Indian Christian community does not have sufficient influence in settling the affairs of the country.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar rightly concluded:

The dependence of those in charge of Christian endeavour upon planting of an idea and leaving it to work a miracle is therefore one of the reasons why the Untouchables has remained an Untouchable notwithstanding his Christian faith. (Ibid p. 471).

MISCHIEF OF UPPER CASTE CHRISTIANS

Lately the Dalit Christians have been demanding reservation. This issue has also a long history. In mid of 19th century in the former Mysore State, Dalit Christians enjoyed the reservation in the name of depressed classes. The Government of India Act 1919 declared the policy of communal job reservations applicable to Muslims, Sikhs and Indian Christians too. However, the Government of India Act, 1935 stated, “no Indian Christian shall be deemed a member of Scheduled Caste”.

The British Govt. introduced several radical social reforms of far reaching consequences, on the issue of reservation but failed to address the issue of reservation to Dalit Christians, probably due to fear of fusion of caste into Christianity. The trend continued even after “independence” of India. Consequently the Presidential Order (1950) denied reservation to Sikhs, Budhists and Christians. This also happened due to some upper caste Christian leaders during the Constitution-making process. H.C. Mookerjee, an upper caste Bengali Christian, proudly said:

I am member of the minority community myself and I feel proud that the community of which I am member has decided to give up all special privileges. (Jose Kananaikal, Scheduled Caste in the Constitution Assembly, p.14, New Delhi, 1992, See - James Massey, Dalits: Issues & Concerns, pp.88-91, B.R. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi, 1998).

Later, Dalit converts to Sikhism and Budhism were provided with reservations in 1956 and 1992 respectively. This was definitely an outcome of two things: (1) Dalit Budhists of Maharashtra with their new name, Navboudh, and Dalit Sikhs of Punjab being the most organized communities with sufficient amount of political clout. (2) The case of Budhists and Sikhs being supported by Article 25 of the Constitution of India, putting them under Hinduism.

MADRAS HIGH COURT VERDICT

However, the issue of reservation to Dalit Christians was further sealed by the first decision of its kind by the Madras High Court in the case of M. Thomas wherein Chief Justice Rajamannar ruled that “the moment a Harijan was converted to Christianity he ceased to belong to any caste because the Christian religion does not recognise the system of castes”. From 1950 till today Dalit Christians who have been in substantial numbers in states like Kerala, TN, AP, Pondichery and Karnataka are still battling for reservation benefits despite several efforts.

In recent past the issue is assuming a new dimension. Several political parties like BSP, social organizations and Dalit Christians themselves have started mobilizing against the govt. stand of no reservations to Dalit Christians. Some of the vocal supproters of Dalit Christians feel that looking at the state’s employment generating capacity there is not much scope for reservation in government services but at least these Dalit Christians should have a protective cover of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. And there is nothing wrong in it.

For not responding to the just demand of Dalit Christians, undoubtedly, the Congress is primarily responsible being the party which has ruled for long period since 1950 at the same time the Dalit Christians are also responsible being the mute supporters of the Congress.

Similarly, the failure of Dalit Christians to forge an alliance with Dalits and Tribals and become a part of united Dalit-Tribal struggle has been also one of the causes for not emerging the issue at national level.

The opposition of political parties like BJP can be well understand since they claim to hold the patent right for the protection of Hinduism without understanding how and who has destroyed it. But one thing is certain that India’s ruling class which always goes with the Congress or BJP shares the view that once the Dalit Christians or Muslims get reservation that will further accelerate the process of conversion. Therefore, they are continuously opposing the issue on one pretext or other.

MAIN CULPRIT IS CONGRESS

Now the issue has reached its final stage. Several Dalit Christian organizations are busy in rectifying their age-old mistake of relying on the church and are engaged in mobilizing people and soliciting the support of political parties and leaders. Some are spiritedly engaged in pursuing the legal battle in Supreme Court. The Mandal Commission (1980), Elayaperumal Commission (1969), Minorities Commission (1980) — all have prima facie held the view “that Scheduled Caste converts continue to suffer from social and economic disabilities even after their conversion”. The issue is for the judicial consideration before the Supreme Court. The Justice Ranganath Mishra Commission is also examining the issue. The Central Govt. led by the Congress, although is the main culprit for not considering the issue up till now, since it is functioning under the compulsions of coalition government, is in no position to say “no” to the issue. In this scenario there should not be any further delay in giving justice to Dalit Christians because their cause is just and reasonable.

Shepherds prove power of “caste identity”

This refers to your report, “Siddaramaiah earthquake” (DV Aug.16, 2006 p.9). Your “caste identity” thesis has helped to wake up the sleeping slaves, the oppressed OBC caste of shepherds who have different names in different states. In Maharashtra, they are called Dhangars co-opted by the Marathas. In the three states of Karnataka, Andhra and Maharashtra their population comes to 3.30 crores. In the Belgaum division of North Karnataka, the Kurubas form 33% of the population as against 35% of the Lingayats. In the Hyderabad-Karnataka again by joining with Valmiki, Dalit and Muslims they can win considerable Assembly seats. The Yadavas are a cow-rearing community and Kurubas are a sheep-rearing caste. Both are the same. If the two join they can rule the country.

Brother Mukudappa has admitted the power of “caste identity” that brought Siddaramaiah to the forefront. With right strategies and tactics, we are sure he can be Karnataka’s next Chief Minister. We have already discussed about him with Lalu Prasad Yadav and he admitted both the Kurubas and Yadavas were one single caste. We have no doubt about the bright future for the Yadavas. But enough preparations are to be made to achieve this end — EDITOR.

Shocking story of how Hindu rulers cheated Dalits

In 1934, the British Govt. ruling India had declared Muslims, Anglo-Indians, Indian Christians, Sikhs and Parsis as minorities and granted them reservations in jobs. (Hindu, Sept.26, 1934).

(A) Since “independence” successive govts. both at the Centre and the states have implemented policies to improve the socio-economic condition of disadvantaged communities like the SC/STs. After over four decades of planning what is the impact of these policies?

(B) A paucity of disaggregated data for different population groups has, however, prevented any comprehensive evaluation of the impact of development policies on the SC/STs. Till now, there have only been a few fragmentary studies examining some aspects of development in certain regions.

TOTAL NEGLECT OF SC/ST

(C) To compile a Human Development Profile of India and the different states, the National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) collected related data from a sample of 33.230 rural households. Among these 7,943 were SC households and 4,220 were ST. The report is the outcome of an in-depth analysis of this data, yielding a Human Development Profile of the SC/ST in nine selected states — AP, Bihar, Gujarat, MP, Maharashtra, Orissa, TN, UP and W.Bengal — which together has over three-fourths of India’s SC/STs.

(D) The study indicates the relative position of the SC/ST vis-a-vis other population groups in terms of income, land holdings, education and health status.

It suggest that even after 50 years of “independence”, the socio-economic status of the SC/STs remains unacceptably low.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

i) The development of backward communities such as the SC/ST has long been considered an important obligation by the govt. and other public bodies both at the Centre and at the states. Particularly the SCs have been the targeted beneficiaries of a series of land reform legislations since the 1950s. Several states have enacted laws prohibiting the alienation of SC/ST land and enabling the restoration of land alienated earlier. Besides land reform, many other programmes have been implemented for improving the employment opportunities and income status of the SC/ST.

ii) In a bid to increase literacy and education among the SC/ST, for instance, a policy of protective discrimination has been followed. Even before “independence”, post-matric scholarship schemes for SC/ST were initiated. After “independence” several other incentives have been offered to students from these two groups. The list includes stipends, scholarships at various levels, free tuition and reimbursement of compulsory charges, aid for books, stationary and uniforms and free accommodation in hostels. Besides, monetary aid, seats are reserved for the SC/ST in educational institutions. A certain percentage of govt. and public sector jobs is set aside for SC/ST. Both also enjoy relaxation of qualification and age norms while seeking govt. or public sector employment.

iii) After over four decades of planning, what is the impact of all these policies on SC/ST? Unfortunately such assessments have largely been ad hoc. Most of these studies are either based on secondary data or in cases where some primary data have been collected, the sample base is very small, leading to localized findings. No comprehensive study based on primary data and covering the multiple aspects of development has thus far been undertaken.

HUMAN DEVELOPMENT PROFILE

iv) Comprehensive data covering various aspects of development for separate population groups such as the SC/ST are rare. The National Sample Survey (NSS) collected and published data on customer expenditure separately for the SC/ST during its 28th (October 1973- June 1974) and 32nd (July 1977 - June 1978) rounds. Such disaggregated data are, however, not available from the NSS for any recent period. While the census provides some data on literacy levels separately for the SC/ST, practically nothing is known about the health care facilities available to the SC/ST or the comparative health status of SC/ST either from secondary sources or from any recent survey.

v) As part of its efforts to compile a Human Development Profile of India and the different states, the NCAER collected development-related data and information from a sample of 33,230 rural households. Among these, 7,943 were SC households and 4,220 ST. The present report is the outcome of an in-depth analysis of this data, yielding a Human Development Profile of the SC/ST in nine selected states.

vi) The study visualizes development not only in terms of a rise in income and material wealth alone. Aspects like educational and health status have also been considered and the report indicates the relative position of SC/ST vis-a-vis other communities on all four counts.

PROFILE OF SC/ST

i) The 1991 census estimates India’s population at 846 million. Of this, SC are 16% or 138 million and ST 8% or 68 million.

ii) While SCs are scattered in almost all the states in varying proportions, a majority of the STs (83%) is concentrated in the central tribal belt running through the hilly terrain of Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan, MP, Bihar, W. Bengal, Orissa and AP. Although the North-East has a high concentration of tribals, in absolute terms they account for only 12% of the total ST.

iii) Both the SC/ST have a faster rate of population growth than other sections of the population. This is reflected in their rising proportions in the total population. In 1961, the SCs were 14.7% with the figure rising to 16.5% in 1991. During the same period, the ST rose from 6.9 to 8.1%.

iv) An overwhelming majority of SCs (81.3%) and STs (92.6%) still live in rural areas.

For the Indian population as a whole the corresponding figure is 74.3%. However, there is a trend towards increasing urbanization among the SC/ST. While only 10.7% of the SCs lived in urban areas in 1961, the figure increased to 18.7% by 1991. Similarly, while only 2.7% of the STs were urban dwellers in 1961, by 1991 it increased to 7.4%. Perhaps, rising levels of education and diversification of occupations have resulted in improved life-styles for many SC/ST.

EDUCATION

i) There has been considerable progress in the field of education after “independence”. At the beginning of the century, fewer than one in ten among Indian males could read and write while hardly one in a 100 females could do so. By 1951, about 1/4 of the men had acquired the reading and writing skill. Female literacy was, however, still abysmally low at 8.83%. The 1991 census said literacy levels increased to 64% among men and 39% among women.

ii) A state-wise and group-wise analysis of literacy data indicates that literacy among sections of the population that were lagging in 1961 such as women, rural inhabitants, SC/STs, has been rising faster than the general literacy rate. Consequently, disparity in literacy levels, although it continues to be high among certain population groups has been reduced over time.

iii) However, literacy in certain regions and within some communities has failed to rise fast enough. Hence, the current level of literacy among the SC/ST is still substantially lower than that among other sections of the population.

iv) Population groups with an appallingly low level of literacy include SC females in rural areas of Bihar (4.3%), Rajasthan (3.7%) and UP (6.6%), ST females in rural areas of AP (5.8%), MP (7.6%), Orissa (7.6%) and Rajasthan (2.9%).

FAILURE ON LITERACY FRONT

v) Even after prolonged effort we have failed to make satisfactory progress in increasing literacy among these population groups. This despite all the incentives being offered and the infrastructure built to ensure access to primary education. A state subject till 1976, education is now on the concurrent list.

vi) Since the policies and programmes of various states — and their implementation — have a bearing on the achievements, their performance state-wise need scrutiny.

vii) While the performance of some states like Himachal (HP) has been commendable that of Bihar, MP, UP and Rajasthan leaves much to be desired. The literacy in these states was more or less the same as that in HP in 1961. By 1991, however, HP rose to 53.5% up from 17.2% in 1961 but Bihar reached only 30.6% literacy compared with 18.4% in 1961. The corresponding rise in literacy levels in MP, Orissa, Rajasthan and UP respectively is 17.1% to 35.5%, 21.7% to 40.8%, 15.2% to 39.2% and 17.7% to 33.2%.

HIMACHAL’S BIG JUMP

Even among the SC/ST in HP literacy has gone up substantially: from 8.5% and 8.6% in 1961 to 43.75% and 38.7% respectively in 1991.

viii) How did HP succeed while the others failed so abysmally? The answer may be found at least partly in the differing states policies on education. Per capita expenditure on education in HP is twice that of the country as a whole. There is one teacher for every 25 students in HP while in Bihar, AP, UP and Rajasthan there is one teacher for about 50 students. Parental motivation is also high in HP. A conducive social environment in HP has also helped.

ix) If the success of HP has to be repeated on a national scale it is necessary to undertake special studies to identify the socio-cultural factors inhibiting faster progress in literacy and education among certain groups. Such studies should be restricted to the backward districts and the laggard communities so that regional and community — specific socio — cultural factors and their interplay can be captured. Several such small studies can then be collated and the findings used to formulate action plans, taking into consideration local factors.

HEALTH CARE & HEALTH STATUS

x) Various incentive schemes for improving the education status of the SC/ST are currently being implemented. The impact of these has been studies mostly by individual scholars in fragmentary ways, covering some aspects of development in some regions. A comprehensive evaluation of these schemes should be undertaken and the policies reformulated on the basis of such a study’s conclusions. The promoters of these policies impact should also be formulated to know the clear picture and the level of benefit to the SC/ST.

i) Most medical care in rural India isn’t provided through the govt. apparatus, be it the doctor at the primary health center (PHC) or even the community health worker. Instead, it is provided by private health parishioners who are inadequately qualified. The situation in the urban areas isn’t much different. Not much is known about this existing system of health care in the country either through administrative records or through any recent surveys.

ii) Hence the need for national survey to collect such data before any meaningful assessment can be attempted. For a comparative assessment of the position of various communities, such a survey should collect information about access to and utilization of all health facilities, private and public.

MATERIAL WELL BEING

iii) The limited data available from NSS 44th round (July 1988- June 1989) and NCAER’s own HDI survey indicate that villages dominated by the SC/ST are generally deficient in health care. The quality of drinking water available to such villages is also far poorer.

Data on household income and asset holding for separate sections like the SC/ST are rare. An analysis of data on consumption patterns, collected by the NSS in its 28th and 32nd rounds indicate that the SC/ST were generally poorer than others during the 1970s. This trend continues today as is indicated by an analysis of more recent data on household income collected by the NCAER in its HDI survey. The main conclusions:

(1) In all states, the SC/ST have lower per capita income. They also have a more egalitarian distribution of income. In other words, only a few are rich among the SC/ST leading to lower inequality of income. There is a higher proportion of poor among the SC/ST. Every second person belonging to the SC/ST is poor while every third person not belonging to the SC/ST is poor.

(2) The intensity of poverty when measured by the Sen Index and he FGT index, is more severe among the SC/ST in all states.

(3) This higher incidence and intensity of poverty among the SC/St is perhaps a consequence of less access to productive assets. In rural India — and most SC/ST live here — land is the most important productive asset. True, an analysis of data on land ownership collected by the NSS for 1982-1992 shows that the proportion of land owned by SC households has increased in most states in varying degrees. At the all India level this has increased from 8% in 1982 to 10% in 1992.

However, their share of land holdings has remained substantially lower than their share of total population in most states.

The exceptions are Assam, Jammu and Kahsmir, MP and WB where the gap is not so wide.

LANDLESSNESS

(4) The proportion of land owned by ST households also increased in most states. The STs owned a higher share of land relative to their share of population in five states (Bihar, Karnataka, Orissa, UP and WB). It was nearly equal in AP, Assam and TN. At the all-India level, the STs constituted 10% of the total population but owned 11.7% of land holdings in 1992.

(5) Despite this trend towards increasing land ownership among the SC/ST the proportion of landless households among them remain quit high. But there has been a decrease in the incidence of landlessness among all SC/ST. Among the tribals in WB, for instance the decrease has been most dramatic: sliding from 52.9% in 1982 to as low as 16.2% in 1992. Similarly in Gujarat the incidence of landlessness has fallen from 25.6% to 10.9% during the same period.

PROGRESS IN BANKING

(6) During the 1980s, the distribution of land tended to become more unequal when measured by the Gini co-efficient in ten states in case of SC households and in six states for ST and other households.

(7) The trend towards increasing share in land ownership, coupled with the trend towards rising inequality in the distribution of land among SC households in a number of states, possibly indicates that additional land is being cornered by those who already have a larger share of it.

(8) Despite the series of land reforms since the fifties, the majority of the SC/ST still work as agricultural labourers. In 1987-88, 52% of the SCs were agricultural labours, 42% of the STs while only 23% among other population groups were labourers.

Although our efforts to improve the socio-economic condition of those belonging to the SC/ST have helped improve their lot, far more needs to be done. A comprehensive scrutiny of the policies followed so far is needed to locate the factors inhibiting faster progress. As in the field of education many of these factors are likely to be region and community specific. Localized surveys should be, therefore, undertaken to collect this information and current policies revised in the light of such studies.

Progress of commercial banking in India -2004: A reference annual compiled and edited by Research, Reference and Training Division, Publications Division, Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, Government of India, New Delhi (See the table).

ADVANCES TO SC/ST BORROWERS

Below Poverty Line (BPL) borrowers especially belonging to the SC/ST and women have been recognized as vulnerable sections. Banks have been asked to make special efforts to assist them with adequate credit to enable them to undertake self-employment ventures. At the end of 2002, the total outstanding loan extended to SC/ST by public sector banks was Rs. 12, 188.27 crore in 70.36 lakh borrowal accounts.

Since “independence” the credit by scheduled commercial banks in India was Rs. 6,09,053 crores till March, 2002 at end of Sept.2002. The total outstanding loan extended to SC/ST by public sector was Rs. 12, 188.27 crore in 70.36 lakh borrowal accounts i.e. an average of Rs. 5,000 per account and total share at the national level comes to a measly 2% (two) only.

PRESIDENT NARAYANAN DECEIVED

President K.R. Narayanan constituted a Committee of Governors to alleviate the sufferings of the Dalits:

i) Reservation could help only 50 lakh Dalits against their population of 25 crore (Times of India, New Delhi, 2001). The Committee recommended to distribute 45 acres of wasteland, of which 25 crore acres could be made cultivable, among the Dalits was yet to be considered by the Centre. It is now pending with the Centre for over five years.

ii) Finding the issue extremely important for uplifting Dalits, a PIL was filed vide Writ Petition (civil) No. 59 of 2005 seeking directions to the Centre and states to decide the report in a time-bound manner etc. and it was dismissed as the “Governors Committee Report” could not be placed before the Supreme Court despite availing three adjournments. The report could not be obtained from the Union Ministry for Rural Development in this age of the Right to Information Act, 2005. However, the relevant portion has been obtained after expiry of the review period and an application has been moved before the Supreme Court to reconsider the writ petition and it is likely to be taken up in July 2006. Meanwhile the Gujarat and Rajasthan Govts. are allocating vast stretches of cultivable wasteland to multinational companies or big companies of India on long lease.

iii) Had the Centre and states implemented this very vital recommendation of the Governors Committee and ensured its development through Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, Water Shed Management Scheme etc. a revolutionary situation would have set in motion in economic development of SC/ST which would have brought all-round benefits.

@ Including Resurgent India Bonds (RIB) (Rs. 17,945 crore)

# Includes Resurgent India Bonds (RIB) (Rs. 17,945 crore) and also India Millennium Deposits (IMD) (Rs. 25, 662 crore)

† More than 6 lakh Crores

Source: Basic statistical returns of scheduled commercial banks in India, Volume-31, (March 2002).