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Are we in a position to start a Dalit daily paper ?

V.T. RAJSHEKAR

Brother Gama Ram is the senior-most Dalit member of the DV family in Lucknow and a highly respected and well-read person. But as regards media is concerned he is a stranger. Media in India is a total monopoly of the manuwadis. Since you can manipulate the minds, the manuwadis will never give up its control. Even if you have the money, you can't run a periodical for long. Starting journal is easy but continuing it without a break is almost impossible. Miracle of D V: How many Dalit journals took birth and died after we started DV in 1981. That we in DV did it for 25 years without a single break is a miracle. This was possible because of our single-minded devotion and by converting our blood into sweat. DV is a new experiment in Indian journalism. But DV is only a fortnightly. A weekly is more difficult and a daily is impossible. The Samrat experiment in Bombay is an exception. It is just an year old. We have to watch how it will cross the hurdles. Every effort has been made to close down DV and finish the Editor himself. But somehow both survived. This is yet another miracle.

Brother Kanshi Ram started a "Media Centre" in Delhi and he took us and showed his great achievements. But we had given him our warning. He did not listen and as predicted his "Media Centre" never saw the light of the day.

The problems are too many. From the very beginning, the Bahujans never gave importance to intellectual pursuits. Brahmins no doubt never allowed them to enter the intellectual field. They asked the Bahujans to keep their brains in the Brahmin fridge. And we obediently did it. The Brahmins did their job. But was it in our interest to keep off the intellectual field? Our people were encouraged to run after power and property to some extent. Reservations helped to acquire both. In this race we forgot the intellectual work.

We had met every important person among the SC/BCs and Muslim/Christian/Sikhs and talked about the "Media Centre". They all liked the idea but did nothing more than appreciating us. This is because media is an intellectual exercise and anything intellectual does not enter their brains which are so much rusted because of the Brahminical corrosion. We got exasperated and gave up talking about it.

All DV references to "Media Centre" are cited below to place the facts before our DV family. We are simply fed up.

In the recent Parliament election, the Manuwadi media played havoc (DV Edit June 1, 2004) and everybody complained against it. Once the elections are over and the BJP was defeated all the victims of this media menace coolly forgot about it. Now that Brother Gurnam Singh and his admirers like Gama Ram and a host of others have raised the issue, we are coming out with the following facts.

We Lack NewsAgents: A daily paper is not a joke. It is a daily headache. We may have the money and produce the best of a daily paper. But have we the network to sell the paper? The entire lot of newsagents all over the country belong mostly to the urban-based upper castes who will never, ever sell our paper. They will do everything to scuttle us.

That means we must create our own newsagents. In 25 years of DV, despite our best efforts and country-wide circulation, we could not get reliable newsagents who are prompt in paying (except a few here and there).

The equally big problem is the network of correspondents. The existing news agencies like PTI-UNI are Manuwadi. We can't use the Manuwadi stuff in our paper. That means we must have correspondents at all state headquarters. Are we in a position to pay them? Even if we are in a position to pay them, how to prevent the Brahminical people purchasing them? When we can't use the Brahminical PTI-UNI news agencies and don't have our own correspondents, how to run a daily?

Income Tax Problem: The biggest problem is that the Dalit-Bahujans have not produced journalists because we never gave importance to this profession. We don't have a single journalist training college. That means we must have our own journalists training center. A couple of journalists we have produced have been purchased by the Brahminical forces and they are employed to fight us only. Then there is yet another problem. The money. Once it starts coming and somebody is in charge of it, the Brahminical forces will direct the Brahmins in Income tax to pounce upon us. Property leads to dispute. Kanshi Ram got into trouble with IT people and hence he could not open his "Media Centre".

Then we have the most serious problem of Contradictions. The Indian social setup is a beehive of Contradictions. Under the Brahminical propaganda, the Dalit-Bahujans have not yet identified the principal enemy of the Bahujans. Dr. Ambedkar had identified our Enemy No.1: Brahminism. But we are busy fighting between ourselves on this very issue. In Gujarat, the Manuwadis made use of the Dalits and Tribals to kill Muslims. Earlier, they did it to demolish Babri Masjid. Some elite Dalits are saying the Backward Castes are No.1 enemy and not the Brahmins. In Punjab some Dalits are saying the Jat Sikhs are our Enemy No.1. The vaidiks have managed to make our own Dalits cut the other Dalit's throat. In Maharashtra, they took objection to the Dalit support to Marathas. Once we start our daily, this problem of Contradictions will crop up and break up the paper itself.

We are bringing all these facts because Brother Gurnam Singh and others should give it serious thought. Because once we start we should never fail. DV has never failed. Failure is not in our dictionary. If we should not meet with failure then we must have top brains. Do we have such "brains"? When we have not even learnt to read, write and speak English, are we in a position to launch such a media and then sustain it?

All these questions need answers. Weekly Paper to Begin with: However, there is a way-out. If (but this is a big IF) the money comes, then instead of going for a daily we can convert the existing fortnightly Dalit Voice into a weekly.. This itself is a big job. After running the weekly for an year or so we can slowly go in for a daily. Our formidable and ever-vigilant enemies surrounding us, we have to be extremely cautious and proceed step by step. But before doing all this we must first have the money. Will our people give? The mutual suspicion is so much. Dalits having been deceived by the upper castes and also by fellow Dalits, they have naturally become suspicious. That is why we are very much hesitating to go into this. In the past 25 years, we did not face any charge. But if we go slow and steady, we can win any war. Climb any mountain. Having fought for 25-long years we feel that from weekly to daily we can complete the job in 5-6 years.

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A Dalit daily paper

Gama Ram, A-2/4, Paper Mill Colony, Nishat Ganj, Lucknow - 226 005
As suggested by Prof. Gurnam Singh Muktsar (DV July 16, 2004 (p. 12), I sent you Rs. 1,000 on July 31. A few years back I suggested that if 1 lakh Dalits/BCs/minorities regularly contribute Rs. 100 a month then we will have Rs. 1 crore a month and Rs. 12 crores annually. This will easily help our Editor to start a daily even if the newspaper does not receive a single ad. Once we decide to contribute our share we can strengthen the hands of our Editor to carry on his revolutionary movement successfully against the BSO and thereby liberate the downtrodden masses. I contributed Rs. 100 p.m. for over two years and then stopped. A call should be given for such a contribution every month.
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BSP catapults to centre-stage & becomes only party of tomorrow's India Dinesh Rajbhar

B/6 - Shalimar Apt., Vakola Police Station Road, Santacruz (E), Bombay - 400 055
Keeping herself out from the prime ministership, Congress president Sonia Gandhi has defused the foreigner issue of the Hindu nazi party RSS and its kitten, BJP. Because of this nazi opposition, Sonia has now become super prime minister. Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh is enjoying power in UP, with the unsaid support of BJP. Of course, BJP-Congress are like father like son for the Bahujan Samaj. However, BSP chief Mayawati has declared support to the Congress-led govt. This is the right time to analyse the post-poll situation in the context of Ambedkarite movement and Bahujan Samaj.

The 14th Lok Sabha elections have shown that the national leadership of the Bahujan Samaj and Ambedkarite movement is firmly with the BSP only. Party with no alliance: In this elections, BSP had the credit of contesting the highest number of seats among all the parties (national and state). Among the national parties, the Congress, BJP, CPM, CPI and NCP contested 417, 364, 69, 34 and 32 seats respectively. Trying to be "national", the Samajwadi Party also contested 237 seats. But BSP contested 435 seats. In UP (all 80), Maharashtra (46 out of 48), Bihar (36), MP (28), Rajasthan (24), Gujarat (20), Jhakrhand (14), Punjab (13), Orissa (12), Chattisgarh (11), Haryana (10), Delhi (7), Himachal (7), J&K (3), Uttaranchal (3), TN(30), AP (14), Karnataka (9), Andaman Nicobar, DNH, Daman Diu, Pondichery and Chandigarh. BSP contested in 25 states including 5 union territories. The Congress, BJP, CPM, CPI, NCP, SP all had alliances with other parties. But BSP was the only party which had no alliance with any political party or corporate house.

Both BJP and Congress are financed by big business houses. So also SP. Yet BSP improved its strength because of its alliance with the Bahujan Samaj. Is this not great? It is India's first party of Phule-Shahu-Periyar-Ambedkar ideology to contest the highest number of seats and also leave behind the Manuvadi parties.

Sharing & caring: Among the 435 candidates of BSP, 169 (SC), 135 (OBC), 41 (ST), 63 (minorities), and 29 from the upper castes. Among the 63 minorities, 56 Muslims, 3 Sikhs, 3 Christian, 1 Jain. No party has given such a universal representation to minorities, OBCs, STs and SCs. In the history of Indian politics this is a great achievement proving that only the BSP is the party which believes in sharing power. In other words, BSP not only talks of sharing and caring but proved it in the distribution of party tickets. Of 19 MPs of BSP, 9 are OBCs including 3 Most Backward, 5 SCs, 4 Muslims. Other than the 18 MPs from the Bahujan Samaj, one is a Brahmin. That means BSP got full support from all castes. State-wise voting share of the BSP clearly shows the presence and importance of BSP in the mainstream of Indian politics. UP is the "neck" of Indian politics and here BSP is a front-ranking force. In 1999 the undivided UP had given 22.08% vote to BSP and 14 seats. At present (in 2004) after the partition of UP, BSP got 24.96% vote and 19 MP seats in UP and 6.77% vote in Uttaranchal. Paswan humbled: Not only UP, even in the nearby state also BSP's progress is good. In Bihar, the RJD-Congress-Lok Jansakti alliance was strong, still BSP improved its position. In the 1999 election, BSP got just 0.95% but in this election BSP got 4.05% in Bihar and 2.35% vote in Jharkhand. RJD is Yadav-based, Lok Jansakti is Dalit-based. The rivals untied with the Congress not only to defeat NDA but also stop the march of BSP in Bihar. Even then the BSP tripled its vote in Bihar.

Paswan is called Thakur ka thappa but he is way behind BSP. R.P.I. Rejected: In Maharashtra, BSP has emerged as a third force and the Congress suffered a heart attack. Paswan, defeated in his home state Bihar, is running away to Maharashtra on the direction of the Congress to improve the heart beat of the Congress and divide the BSP. By electing BSP to local bodies, the Maharashtra Dalits are getting closer to BSP. RPI stands rejected. It is now clear that Paswan-type leaders can never succeed in devitalizing the Baba's Elephant. In Maharashtra BSP got 3.06% votes, giving a big shock to the Congress-NCP and its RPI allies. The Congress lost 11 Lok Sabha seats. Even the Dalit wife of a Dalit Chief Minister lost her seat from Sholapur by 5,798 votes because the BSP candidate took away 12,067 votes.

The clear-cut message is that the the Maharashtra Ambedkarites have finally rejected the RPI and understood the importance of Bahujan unity assured through BSP. In Gujarat, BSP made its entry by breaking the two-party politics between the Congress and BJP and emerged as a third force and secured 1.47% votes. Because of BSP, the Congress lost Vadodara, Porbander, Bharuch. Even the BJP lost Banashkant, Jamnagar, Mehsana, Chota Udaypur (ST) seats. Traitors to Ambedkarism: The growing power of the Bahujans is killing all upper caste parties and also Dalit traitors. BSP bulldozer is levelling the uneven land that is Bharat. Similarly in Punjab 7.67%, Haryana 4.98%, Delhi 2.48%, Rajasthan 3.16%, MP 4.75%, Chattisgarh 4.59%, J&K 3.06%, Orissa 3.72% votes. In the South, BSP contested for the first in AP and won one Assembly seat. In Karnataka, its performance is good. No sonia magic in UP: BSP secured 19 Lok Sabha seats in UP with 5.3% votes. In the last election, it had 14 seats with 4.17% votes Ñ an increase of 5 seats and 1.13% vote. The Congress formed the govt. in the Centre, the seat-sharing of Congress increased by 31 seats but its vote sharing decreased by 1.5%. Similarly BJP has lost its vote by about 1% and lost 43 seats. That means BJP lost both seats and also votes, the Congress gained seats but lost votes. But the BSP gained both seats and votes in UP. BJP is the loser.

Those who are "celebrating" the revival of the Congress must notice its position in UP where it could not improve its position. On the contrary, it came down. The magic of Sonia did not work in UP. In India as a whole, the Congress got 145 seats, just 7 seats more than the BJP''s 138. That means the Congress and BJP are equal. BSP with its deep ideological foundations has proved itself to be a powerful socio-political force. All other parties have failed to inspire the confidence of the weaker sections, that is Bahujan. The historic march of BSP proves the urgent need for the unity of SC/ST/BCs and religious minorities. Muslims must specially note this. Absence of Kanshi Ram: BSP's performance and success is spectacular compared to other political parties. Due to the health problems, Kanshi Ram could not participate in the election campaign and the CBI was persecuting Mayawati, the only one-star campaigner for BSP. Even facing such critical situation, BSP has succeeded to capture the national stage, proving that it is the only force that leads the Ambedkarite movement on a national level. So, it is obligatory to the Bahujan Samaj to be with the BSP only Ñ if not as an activist but at least as a voter and sympathizer.

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Dalits did Tata Indica

Dr. K. Jamanadas
Chandrapur - 442 402
A Dalit engineer did the Tata Indica engine. According to the Lokmat (Marathi daily Aug.8, 2004), former Deputy Chief Minister and leader of NCP, Chagan Bhujbal, addressing an OBC conference at Nagpur, demanded reservation in private sector for SC/ST/BCs and other marginalized people including 14% reservation to savarnas and withdrawal of "creamy layer" condition for the OBCs. He asked for 52% reservation for OBCs instead of the 27%. Bhujbal said the upper castes should not think they were the only ones with "merit".

The engine of the Tata's Indica car was designed by a Dalit engineer staying in the Mahatma Phule slum at Nashik and the body was also designed by a Dalit. We should locate the concerned persons in Tatas and honor them, he said.

Budha & Babasaheb on "caste identity"

Er. R.S. Kataria, 928/24 - Geeta Colony, Rohtak - 124 001
This is with reference to the seminar held on "Caste identity" at Shimla on 11.7.04 on the last day of the DV readers workshop. It is believed that there is no caste under Budhism and that caste is annihilated after one becomes Budhist. This is wrong. Not to speak of Budhist masses, let us see what happens with the bhikhus. (i) A monk can lead a family at his own. (ii) If a monk is found guilty he can be shunted out of bhikhu life by the sangh. If the caste gets annihilated what will be the fate of a person on returning to his family life? In which caste he will marry as in India no one can survive without the caste. Budha is known as Sakya Muni, Sunit is known as Bhangi/sweeper, Uppali is known as Nai/barber. Are they not all caste or subcaste names? Sakya Gana is the ethnic identity of the Budha. In the end, let us examine what were the Budha's own "Last Words". And I quote: "Now, Ananda, whereas the brethren have the habit of calling one another "friend", Ñ when I am gone this habit must not be followed. By an elder brother, Ananda, a brother who is a novice should be called by his name or clan name or by word "friend": But by a novice, Ananda, an elder brother should be addressed as "lord" or "your reverence". The above quotation is from Dr. Ambedkar Writings & Speeches Vol.11, Book VII, Part-III, first edition, p. 551-552. Here, the clan name is either gotra or the subcaste. The above quotation from the Buddha & His Dhamma written by Babasaheb fully supports our Editor's "caste identity" thesis. Fascinated by the caste identity thesis, I am going to organise the Chamars and hold other caste conferences in Haryana since I have found it as the best weapon to fight Brahminism.

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Anti-national "national" anthem?

B.K. NAG, VPO SARSARA, BARGARH DT. - 768 028
This refers to the Letter of Dr. K.S. Bhagavan with the Editor's note (DV July 1, 2004 p.18). A series of small articles were published in DV on "India's anti-national national anthem". They are: 1. DV Sept.15, 1992 p.7: "Anti-national national anthem ?" 2. DV Oct. 1, 1994 p. 22: "Tagore anti-national?" 3. DV Sept.1, 2001 p.20: "India's national anthem is anti-national ?". The first article was from the Deccan Herald (25.8.1992) by Lourie Noronha of Bangalore. The English translation of the "national anthem" was given to make the readers understand that the song was composed to please/praise King George V during his visit to India. The second one was a critique of the book, The illegitimacy of Nationalism (Oxford University Press) of Ashis Nandi, published in the Times of India on 4.7.1994. In the third article, Inderpreet Singh from the US narrated the meaning of the "national anthem" in detail. He also mentioned the English translation of stanza 1 to 5 of the same song by Tagore. Till I read this article, I was thinking that the "national anthem" had only one stanza, but after reading the article of Brother Singh, I was convinced that it was written only to praise King George V. Not only DV, some other writers have also quoted this. Swami Muktananda Sarswati, a prominent Manuwadi, has quoted this in his Hindi book Sambidhan (p.30). If Brother Bhagavan is interested I can supply a photocopy.